The Technofascist System and Hyper-Imperialism: The Death Throes Of Empire

Introduction: From the Cellblock to the Vanguard — A Personal Journey into the Heart of Technofascism

I became a revolutionary at eighteen, in a county jail cell awaiting transfer to prison. Like so many others in this empire, my political awakening came through the fire of incarceration—a system designed to break the body but that, paradoxically, forged my political clarity. Over three and a half years locked up, I read, studied, built with elder comrades, and came to consciousness not just about the world as it is, but the world as it could be. What began as raw anger and questioning matured into communist commitment, forged through study, struggle, and the wisdom of those who came before me.

Throughout the years that followed—inside and outside of prison—I worked with a range of political organizations and deepened my ideological line. It was through this evolving struggle that the concept of technofascism began to take shape in my mind. Initially, it was more of a question than an answer—a term that emerged to distinguish what we are living through today from the fascisms of the 20th century, which too many commentators invoke casually, without rigor, without historical depth. What is this thing we are facing—this fusion of digital surveillance, white nationalism, monopoly finance capital, predictive policing, mass data collection, and militarized repression? I came to understand it not as neo-fascism, not as techno-feudalism, but as something specific: a new formation arising from the crisis of late imperialist capitalism. Technofascism.

A key influence in sharpening this concept was Carl Oglesby’s The Yankee and Cowboy War, which helped me map the internal contradictions of the U.S. ruling class. It showed me how historical factions like the Yankees and Cowboys—those who built empires through finance and oil, respectively—are now giving way to the third head of the hydra: the Digerati. These are the lords of Big Tech and algorithmic power, the architects of digital domination, incubated in Cold War laboratories and brought to full maturation through the War on Terror.

The theory of hyper-imperialism, developed by the Tricontinental Institute, was another key anchor. Their analysis of the international dimension of U.S. imperialism in crisis was spot on—but what it lacked, in my view, was an analysis of the domestic base that enables it. Technofascism fills that gap. It is the internal configuration of power—the merger of monopoly capital, state repression, and digital governance—that allows hyper-imperialism to be projected onto the globe. Surveillance, sanctions, and smart bombs abroad all grow from predictive policing, algorithmic propaganda, and counterinsurgency at home.

None of this is accidental. Big Tech didn’t just emerge—it was designed. Its roots are deep in the U.S. military-academic complex. From ARPA to Google, from DARPA to Facebook, the so-called “innovation” of Silicon Valley was always about control—first over information, then over populations. Especially after 9/11, we watched the complete fusion of Big Tech, finance capital, and state power accelerate. It’s no longer a question of whether capitalism has become authoritarian. It’s about naming the form of that authoritarianism—technofascism—and preparing to destroy it.

I don’t believe technology is inherently oppressive. As Marx said, technology is an extension of the human body. It has revolutionary potential—if it is in the hands of the working class. But so long as it is owned and weaponized by capital, it will deepen exploitation, reinforce colonial hierarchies, and accelerate ecological collapse. That’s why this struggle can’t just be about algorithms or elections. It has to be about organizing from the ground up—community by community, neighborhood by neighborhood—while also building secure digital infrastructure for revolutionary struggle on the global terrain.

Some people ask me: what’s the alternative? I don’t have all the answers. But I believe the path forward won’t come from charismatic leaders or spontaneous moments. It will come from discipline, political education, and cadre formation. It will come from rebuilding the vanguard concept—not as a dogma, but as a living principle: to place yourself at the front lines of struggle, to lead by serving, to build collective power in a moment of mass disorientation.

This pamphlet is an invitation—not a prescription. It is a call for revolutionary recalibration. As the ruling class recalibrates its systems for imperial preservation, we must recalibrate for revolutionary transformation: toward dual power, ecological socialism, and internationalist solidarity with the workers, farmers, and colonized peoples of the world.

The world is on fire. The empire is collapsing. The only question is: will we be organized enough to shape what comes next?

Part I: The Technofascist System

Section 1: Foundations of Technofascism

Technofascism is not a departure from capitalism, nor a revival of historical fascism in its classic 20th-century form. It is the contemporary expression of capitalism in crisis, shaped by the contradictions of decaying imperialist monopoly capital and the digital revolution. It emerges as a fusion of the surveillance state, militarized capitalism, corporate power, and algorithmic governance, all functioning under the pretense of democratic order while advancing unprecedented authoritarian control.

To understand technofascism, we must begin not with Silicon Valley, but with the historical development of the capitalist state itself—specifically the settler-colonial and racial-capitalist roots of the United States. From its inception, U.S. capitalism relied on the dispossession of Indigenous peoples, the enslavement of Africans, and the creation of a “white republic” that fused private property, race hierarchy, and militarism. This foundational arrangement evolved into the global imperialist project following World War II, structured around U.S. hegemony, Bretton Woods financial institutions, and Cold War militarization.

But this system began to buckle in the 1970s. The postwar boom collapsed. Profit rates declined. The U.S. transitioned from an industrial powerhouse to a financialized and militarized empire, upheld increasingly through debt, domination, and digital manipulation rather than productive growth.

This period saw the rise of neoliberalism—a reactionary offensive by monopoly capital to restore class power through deregulation, privatization, austerity, and mass incarceration. Simultaneously, the counterinsurgency apparatus built during the Civil Rights and Black Power movements was updated and militarized for domestic repression. This laid the groundwork for technofascism.

Technofascism Emerges from Counterinsurgency and Crisis

Technofascism consolidates in the post-9/11 period, where digital surveillance, predictive policing, and homeland security form the ideological and technological basis for a new form of class rule. Crucially:

• Big Tech emerged from military research (e.g., ARPA, RAND, NSA) with deep roots in counterinsurgency doctrine. Google, Facebook, and Palantir are direct outgrowths of the U.S. military-intelligence nexus.
• Predictive algorithms and behavioral data have replaced old ideological coercion with real-time manipulation and preemptive control. Public opinion is no longer shaped—it is engineered.
• Mass data collection through phones, apps, smart cities, and social media constitutes the raw material of capitalist profit, state surveillance, and psychological warfare.

Unlike classical fascism, which relied on mass mobilization, technofascism functions through atomization, manipulation, and algorithmic repression. It is the fascism of the platform, the cloud, the drone—not the boot in the street (though that still comes when needed).

Yet the foundations of technofascism remain rooted in historical fascism’s purpose: to secure capitalist rule during periods of deep crisis, through repression of the proletariat, destruction of political opposition, and consolidation of corporate-state unity.

Technofascism and the Colonial Logic of Capitalism

Technofascism is not merely a system of control over the population in general. It is a racialized mode of control that carries forward the colonial division of humanity. In this sense, technofascism is not an aberration within the liberal West but its logical endpoint:

• Black, Indigenous, and colonized populations inside the U.S. are treated as internal enemies—surveilled, incarcerated, militarized.
• Migrants are categorized by algorithms, detained in privatized camps, and exploited for imperial profit.
• Workers in the Global South are disciplined through platforms, supply chains, and sanctions—what we call digital colonialism.

Technofascism is the domestic twin of hyper-imperialism, just as classical fascism was the domestic articulation of inter-imperialist rivalry. It functions to preserve racial capitalism within the imperial core, while projecting its crisis management onto the periphery through war, sanctions, and proxy regimes.

Part III: Revolutionary Horizons

Section 1: The Failure of Reformism and the Crisis of the Liberal Left

Technofascism is not a glitch in the democratic system—it is the system working as designed. In the face of rising authoritarianism, ecological collapse, and intensifying inequality, the liberal order has not produced resistance. It has produced management: of dissent, of hope, of memory.

Every progressive upsurge of the last two decades has been absorbed, redirected, or crushed—leaving behind a trail of exhausted movements, disoriented organizers, and neutralized political energy. From Occupy Wall Street to Black Lives Matter, from Standing Rock to the George Floyd Rebellion, the cycle is the same: mass mobilization, rhetorical concession, institutional co-optation, algorithmic suppression.

Reformism is not simply inadequate—it is structurally incapable of addressing the contradictions driving technofascism. Capitalism in crisis cannot afford real concessions. And the liberal left, trapped within the logic of electoralism, nonprofit advocacy, and symbolic representation, can no longer pose a meaningful threat to ruling-class power.

The Liberal Left’s Capture by Technofascism

What passes for “resistance” in the liberal sphere is now largely mediated by corporate platforms, shaped by philanthropic dollars, and enforced by ideological gatekeeping. NGOs function as the soft edge of empire, managing dissent through grants and guidelines. Academic radicals police the boundaries of acceptable critique, ensuring the discourse remains within imperial limits. Social media creates the illusion of mass participation, while engineering fragmentation and surveillance.

The technofascist state doesn’t fear liberal outrage—it feeds on it. It welcomes protests that can be live-streamed, branded, and contained. It co-opts anti-racist slogans into corporate HR campaigns. It incorporates diversity as camouflage for empire. It platforms left voices so long as they pose no organizational threat, weaponizing representation against revolutionary transformation.

This is why “representation” without power is not liberation—it is counterinsurgency.

Bernie, AOC, and the Illusion of Left Electoralism

The electoral experiments of the 2010s—centered around figures like Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, and the so-called Squad—offered brief hope for a revival of left politics in the U.S. But these projects were never allowed to function as insurgencies. Their containment was swift and decisive.

Bernie’s campaigns energized millions but were crushed by the Democratic establishment, media blackout, and internal sabotage. Rather than break from the party or build independent power, his movement collapsed into electoral fatalism—delivering its base back into the arms of neoliberal technocrats. AOC and her cohort quickly became symbols of managed dissent: permitted to critique, never to resist.

Reformism cannot save us from technofascism. It cannot regulate the boot it refuses to remove. It cannot democratize the algorithm it cannot even explain. It cannot abolish the prison it helped build.

The Enemy Is Not Authoritarianism—It’s Capitalism

Liberals cling to the fantasy that fascism is an anomaly—a deviation from an otherwise noble trajectory of progress. But technofascism is not an interruption of democracy. It is the outcome of a system where democracy was always the performance, not the practice.

The real danger is not a singular “strongman,” but the systemic fusion of corporate, state, and digital power to enforce capitalist rule without popular consent. Liberals warn of Trump but ignore that Obama built the surveillance infrastructure he weaponized. They decry January 6 while supporting the police state that made it possible.

Technofascism emerges not in opposition to liberalism, but as its logical successor—the administrative form capitalism takes when it can no longer rule by consent.

The Crisis of Liberal Consciousness

The deeper crisis is one of consciousness. A liberal worldview cannot comprehend a world in which power no longer cares about legitimacy. In which elections, norms, and institutions no longer function as sites of struggle, but as instruments of managed decay. In which the ruling class would rather burn the planet than surrender profit.

This is why appeals to “civility,” “accountability,” or “saving democracy” ring hollow. They are symptoms of a class and ideological formation that has lost its historical function. Liberalism cannot tell us where we are. And it certainly cannot tell us how to get out.

The Revolutionary Task

If reform is no longer viable, then revolution is no longer optional. But revolution cannot emerge from nostalgia, moralism, or aesthetic posturing. It must emerge from clarity: about the nature of the enemy, the structure of the state, and the necessity of organization.

The task is not to salvage liberalism. It is to bury it—and build the forms of power that can survive the collapse and confront the system responsible for it.

Section 2: The Strategic Terrain of 21st Century Class Struggle

The age of technofascism is not just defined by surveillance and repression—it is defined by a new terrain of global class struggle. A terrain reshaped by crisis, digital enclosure, ecological collapse, and imperial contraction. It is a battlefield where the traditional categories of class are shattered, recomposed, and racialized under conditions of fragmentation and precarity. But this does not spell the end of class struggle. It marks its mutation—and its intensification.

The Recomposition of the Global Proletariat

The industrial working class of the 20th century—the factory proletariat of Marx’s vision—has not disappeared. It has been dispersed, recomposed, and made invisible by imperial outsourcing and platform domination. Today’s global proletariat lives in sprawling slums, works in subcontracted supply chains, rides motorbikes for app-based empires, and migrates across militarized borders to survive. This proletariat is not vanishing—it is exploding in number. But it is also fragmented, precarious, and largely excluded from the political imagination of the imperial core.

The engine of history is not dead. It is overworked, underpaid, and algorithmically managed.

Surplus Labor, Gigified Workforces, and Lumpenized Youth

Capital no longer needs full employment. It needs compliance. It needs control. And it needs just enough labor to sustain extraction while abandoning the rest. Across the world, we are witnessing the proliferation of surplus populations: youth with no future, workers with no stability, whole communities deemed economically unnecessary but politically dangerous. These workers are disciplined not through jobs and wages, but through debt, surveillance, and digital precarity.

The gig economy is not a solution to unemployment—it is its rebranding. A global system of digital serfdom where labor is atomized, datafied, and disposable.

The Revolutionary Core: Black, Indigenous, Migrant, and Global South Workers

Within this recomposed proletariat, one force remains consistently positioned at the vanguard: the colonized. Black workers, Indigenous nations, migrant laborers, and Global South peoples—those whose labor has always been violently extracted, whose communities have always been policed as insurgent zones, and whose very existence defies the settler order.

These forces are not marginal—they are central. They constitute the core of any viable revolutionary strategy. Because they already exist outside the boundaries of capitalist inclusion, and because they bear the brunt of technofascism’s machinery of control.

The Fragmentation of the White Working Class and the Colonial Contradiction

Any revolutionary strategy in the imperial core must confront the colonial contradiction: the historical alliance of the white working class with the settler state, and the material privileges derived from empire. While neoliberalism has hollowed out white labor, producing waves of disaffection, this discontent often veers toward reaction—not revolution.

The settler social contract is collapsing, but its ideology lingers. Many white workers remain committed to the illusion of national restoration—Trumpism, protectionism, racial nostalgia. But others are breaking ranks.

Settler Complicity vs. Settler Defection

The future will not be determined by whether white workers suffer—it already is. The question is whether they defect from the settler project and join the revolutionary struggle against empire. This requires more than sympathy. It requires material betrayal of whiteness as property, alignment with colonized liberation, and ideological transformation through collective discipline.

White radicals have a role to play—but not as leaders, saviors, or spokespersons. Their task is principled defection: to organize within the empire, sabotage its reproduction, and unite with the colonized to destroy it.

Rebuilding Revolutionary Capacity in an Age of Surveillance and Counterinsurgency

The strategic question is no longer whether rebellion will come. It is already here—in Ferguson, in Gaza, in the Sahel. The question is whether our movements can survive the digital counterinsurgency grid: infiltration, algorithmic demobilization, predictive suppression, and psychological warfare.

To meet this moment, we must rebuild revolutionary capacity: organization, discipline, education, and political infrastructure rooted in clarity—not charisma. This means:

• Training cadres who understand the terrain—both physical and digital.
• Grounding struggle in the lived realities of colonized and precarious peoples.
• Studying past revolutions not for nostalgia, but for strategic lessons.
• Developing security culture and psychological resilience in an era of surveillance saturation.

Technofascism is strong, but not invincible. Its strength is built on fragmentation, fear, and futility. Revolutionary power is built on clarity, solidarity, and strategic insurgency.

Section 3: Organizational Strategy in the Technofascist Era

Technofascism is not just a system of repression—it is a system of counterinsurgency. It is designed to destroy revolutionary potential before it materializes. In this context, disorganization is not neutral—it is defeat. To challenge this system, we must build organizations that can endure surveillance, withstand repression, and advance struggle with clarity and discipline. We must move beyond spontaneity and social media spectacle toward long-term strategic formation.

Principles of Underground and Aboveground Organizing

In the technofascist era, organizing requires duality: the visible and the invisible. Aboveground organizing must reach the masses—educating, mobilizing, and building public infrastructure. But it must be complemented by underground structures capable of surviving state repression. This is not paranoia—it is historical necessity. Every revolutionary movement has faced infiltration, surveillance, and sabotage. Today, those tactics are automated and predictive.

• Aboveground structures: mutual aid networks, mass political education, protest infrastructure, media arms.
• Underground structures: secure communications, decentralized cells, counter-intelligence, long-term logistical support.

The challenge is not to choose one over the other, but to synchronize both—creating an ecosystem of resistance that can adapt, retreat, and strike.

Digital Security, Infiltration Awareness, Counter-Psywar Consciousness

The battlefield is digital. Every click, message, and search is tracked. Every movement has been infiltrated—by feds, bots, and bad actors. Survival demands a new level of political maturity: digital security must be standard, not optional.

Encryption, anonymity, metadata hygiene, and secure device protocols are not technical luxuries—they are preconditions of struggle. But beyond technical security, we must also develop a culture of counter-psywar consciousness:

• Resisting demoralization campaigns and psychological manipulation.
• Training members to spot infiltration tactics: disruption, ego manipulation, identity fetishism, lateral violence.
• Building emotional discipline and ideological coherence in the face of engineered chaos.

The Return of Cadre-Based Political Formation

Mass movements without political formation are vulnerable to cooptation, collapse, or commodification. What’s needed is not mass alone—but cadres: trained, committed political organizers with ideological clarity and long-term vision. Cadre formation is not elitism—it is organization. It means creating a core of disciplined revolutionaries capable of navigating contradiction and leading struggle through waves of repression and confusion.

Technofascism thrives on confusion. Cadres bring clarity, cohesion, and continuity.

Why Charismatic Populism Cannot Defeat Technofascism

The enemy is not simply a corrupt state—it is a digital empire of global finance, predictive algorithms, and military surveillance. Charismatic populism—left or right—cannot defeat it. Why?

• It centralizes power in individuals, not in collective formations.
• It relies on spectacle, not strategy.
• It is easily coopted, surveilled, and dismantled through media manipulation and scandal warfare.

What’s needed is not a savior, but a movement of organizers. Not a viral campaign, but a revolutionary infrastructure. Political education, ideological unity, and cadre development are the real weapons in the age of digital authoritarianism.

Building Dual Power: Mutual Aid, Counter-Institutions, and Autonomous Infrastructure

We cannot wait for the empire to collapse—we must begin building the new world now. This means creating dual power: autonomous systems that meet people’s needs, train political consciousness, and erode dependency on capitalist institutions.

• Mutual aid networks rooted in revolutionary analysis—not charity, but solidarity with a strategy.
• Worker cooperatives, food systems, clinics, schools, and tech collectives that build counter-power.
• Digital infrastructure: secure apps, hosting alternatives, revolutionary media hubs.

Dual power is not a utopian escape—it is prefigurative resistance: creating material bases of revolutionary autonomy inside the decaying shell of technofascism.

The challenge is vast. The enemy is powerful. But history is made not by the inevitable, but by the organized. And our task is not simply to survive technofascism—but to destroy it and build beyond it.

Section 4: Digital Resistance and the Struggle for Narrative Control

In the age of technofascism, the battlefield is not only physical—it is informational. The ruling class no longer relies solely on censorship or brute force. Instead, it governs through algorithmic control, psychological warfare, and narrative domination. Digital resistance is not a supplement to revolutionary struggle—it is a front line.

Information War as Class War

Every revolutionary movement must now confront a new reality: information is a weapon. The digital terrain is saturated with disinformation, psyops, and controlled opposition. Algorithms prioritize pacification. Platforms throttle dissent. The system shapes consciousness before the first boot hits the ground.

• Google, Meta, and X (formerly Twitter) operate as ideological filters for capitalist empire.
• AI and content moderation regimes suppress radical narratives and amplify managed outrage.
• Public discourse is fragmented by design—engineered confusion replaces collective clarity.

The goal is not to inform the public—but to disorient, demobilize, and depoliticize them. This is why digital resistance must be strategic, intentional, and ideological.

Weaponized Memes, Psyops, and the Algorithmic Battlefield

Memes are not just jokes—they are weapons. On the algorithmic battlefield, narrative virality is a form of terrain control. Technofascism deploys its own arsenal: troll farms, botnets, think tanks, influencers, and narrative warfare units.

In response, revolutionaries must learn to weaponize culture—not for clout, but for consciousness. That means:

• Creating aesthetic coherence between revolutionary messages and popular culture.
• Understanding platform dynamics to maximize reach and dodge algorithmic suppression.
• Deploying psywar tactics that target ruling class legitimacy, not just their policies.

The goal is not just to react—but to shape the terms of perception. Our memes must tell truths the ruling class cannot hide, in formats the masses can absorb and amplify.

Counter-Propaganda Strategy: Theory, Aesthetics, and Viral Agitation

Counter-propaganda is not mere branding—it is ideological warfare. To cut through the fog of disinformation, we need media that educates, agitates, and builds revolutionary identity.

• Theory: concise, popular education that arms people with historical and analytical clarity.
• Aesthetics: compelling visuals, sounds, and formats that express revolutionary values.
• Agitation: short, viral bursts of truth that rupture dominant narratives and spark action.

This means training digital cadres—not content creators, but ideological operators who understand the battlefield. It means creating networks of revolutionary media production, cultural remix, and mass distribution across multiple platforms.

Seizing the Means of Communication: Open-Source Tools, Encrypted Platforms, and Revolutionary Media

We do not control the infrastructure—but we can build around and through it. While technofascist platforms surveil and censor, alternative digital ecosystems must be cultivated:

• Open-source tools for secure messaging, publishing, and organizing (e.g., Signal, Mastodon, Matrix).
• Decentralized media projects that bypass corporate hosting and create autonomous digital zones.
• Revolutionary media hubs that curate analysis, expose propaganda, and train digital agitators.

Seizing the means of communication does not mean waiting for Twitter to collapse. It means building our own channels, languages, and platforms—and preparing our forces to operate under constant ideological warfare.

In short: revolution needs its own propaganda machine. Not just to counter lies—but to build the consciousness necessary to destroy technofascism and reclaim the future.

Section 5: The Internationalist Path Forward

As the U.S.-led ruling class undergoes a process of imperialist recalibration—reorganizing global dominance through technofascist governance, monopoly finance, and digital counterinsurgency—the task for revolutionaries is to initiate a revolutionary recalibration. This is not about minor policy shifts or electoral detours. It is a fundamental rupture with the collapsing order of racial capitalism, digital authoritarianism, and imperialist war.

Our recalibration must be grounded in building dual and contending power, forging pathways toward socialist revolution, and aligning ourselves with a truly multipolar world—not one shaped by rival empires, but by the solidarity of the global working class, peasants, and oppressed nations.

Revolutionary Recalibration: Strategic Break from Empire

The age of protest is over. The imperial core has responded to every upsurge with repression, surveillance, and counterinsurgency. The time has come to shift from resistance to construction—from opposition to organization. Revolutionary recalibration demands:

• Disengaging from technofascist institutions and refusing legitimacy to electoral illusions;
• Rebuilding independent infrastructure: mutual aid, people’s assemblies, counter-economies, revolutionary media;
• Aligning with the global South not as charity or moral stance, but as the material center of world revolution.

Multipolarity as Proletarian Internationalism

Multipolarity is not about supporting rival capitalist states—it is about disrupting unipolar imperialism to create space for revolutionary development. It means standing in material solidarity with the workers, farmers, and national liberation movements of the Global South.

• From Gaza to Haiti, Chiapas to Niger, and Palestine to the Sahel, anti-imperialist struggle continues despite isolation and brutality.
• These struggles embody revolutionary potential—not symbolic resistance, but dual power in motion.
• We must learn from, support, and organize alongside these forces—not as allies, but as comrades in a global insurgency.

From Crisis Management to Revolutionary Construction

Imperialist recalibration governs through crisis: debt, climate chaos, migration, war. Revolutionary recalibration must be rooted in constructive power—the ability to build systems of care, governance, and defense beyond the reach of technofascism.

• Build dual institutions in housing, food, education, and security that answer to the people, not the state;
• Forge transnational coordination with movements confronting the same enemy in different forms;
• Center anti-colonial sovereignty, ecological restoration, and de-commodified life as the basis of the new world.

The U.S. empire cannot be reformed. It must be dismantled from within and without. Our recalibration is not a reaction—it is a rupture. A strategic pivot toward a future not built on imperial debris, but on revolutionary soil.

Section 6: Toward an Eco-Socialist World

Technofascism is not just a political crisis—it is an ecological death spiral. Its infrastructure of extraction, surveillance, and militarization is incompatible with planetary life. The choice before us is not between authoritarian capitalism and liberal capitalism. The choice is between eco-socialism or extinction.

A post-technofascist world must be built on the ruins of empire and the principles of ecological harmony, collective autonomy, and decommodified life. This is not utopian—it is necessary. The planet will not survive monopoly capital. And neither will we.

Abolition of Surveillance, Police, and Empire

• Dismantle the surveillance state: ban biometric tracking, predictive policing, algorithmic profiling, and digital carceral systems.
• Defund and abolish police and militaries: reinvest resources into restorative systems of care, housing, food sovereignty, and land stewardship.
• End the empire: close military bases, cancel debt, dismantle sanctions, and return stolen wealth and land to colonized peoples.

Ecological Restoration as Class Struggle

Environmental struggle is class struggle. The climate crisis is a product of capitalist accumulation, settler extraction, and imperialist plunder. Eco-socialism must:

• Advance decolonial land rematriation and Indigenous ecological knowledge systems;
• Shift from mass production for profit to localized, need-based production and agroecology;
• Ensure that workers and communities control production, not tech billionaires or carbon markets.

Revolutionary Humanism vs. Digital Nihilism

Technofascism reduces life to data, humans to inputs, and the future to algorithms. It thrives on alienation, despair, and the collapse of meaning. Against this we pose a revolutionary humanism—the belief in the dignity, creativity, and agency of oppressed people to reshape the world.

• Culture is a battlefield: we must reject apocalyptic defeatism and affirm the possibility of liberation.
• Education is a weapon: political clarity, historical memory, and ideological development are essential to building revolutionary consciousness.
• Care is resistance: every act of healing, feeding, protecting, and organizing outside capitalist logic is a strike against the machine.

The Future Is Not Algorithmic—It’s Revolutionary

There is no app to save us. No algorithm will fix what empire has broken. The post-technofascist world will not be programmed—it must be struggled for, built from below by the oppressed and exploited who have nothing to lose but their chains.

The task now is not survival under technofascism—it is liberation beyond it. Toward an eco-socialist future grounded in decolonization, class power, ecological repair, and revolutionary joy.

Advanced Bibliography

I. Foundational Theory and Political Economy

• Baran, Paul A., and Paul M. Sweezy. Monopoly Capital. Monthly Review Press, 1966.
• Foster, John Bellamy. The New Imperialism of Globalized Monopoly-Finance Capital. Monthly Review, 2010.
• Amin, Samir. Imperialism and Unequal Development. Monthly Review Press, 1977.
• Patnaik, Utsa and Prabhat. Capital and Imperialism. Monthly Review Press, 2021.
• Smith, John. Imperialism in the Twenty-First Century. Monthly Review Press, 2016.
• Rodney, Walter. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Verso, 2018.
• Nkrumah, Kwame. Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism. Thomas Nelson, 1965.
• Luxemburg, Rosa. The Accumulation of Capital. Routledge, 2003.

II. Settler Colonialism and Racial Capitalism

• Du Bois, W.E.B. Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880. Free Press, 1998.
• Robinson, Cedric J. Black Marxism. University of North Carolina Press, 2000.
• Ture, Kwame, and Charles V. Hamilton. Black Power. Vintage Books, 1992.
• Burden-Stelly, Charisse. Black Scare / Red Scare. University of Chicago Press, 2024.
• Wolfe, Patrick. Traces of History. Verso, 2016.
• Veracini, Lorenzo. Settler Colonialism. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

III. Technofascism, Surveillance, and Counterinsurgency

• Levine, Yasha. Surveillance Valley. PublicAffairs, 2018.
• Simpson, Christopher. Science of Coercion. Oxford University Press, 1994.
• Cull, Nicholas. The Cold War and the USIA. Cambridge University Press, 2008.
• Burton, Orisanmi. Tip of the Spear. University of California Press, 2024.
• Hall, Stuart. Selected Writings on Race and Difference. Duke University Press, 2021.
• Bernays, Edward. Propaganda. Ig Publishing, 2005.
• U.S. Army. Field Manual 3-05.30: Psychological Operations, 2005.
• Kitson, Frank. Low Intensity Operations. Faber and Faber, 1971.

IV. Empire, Sanctions, and Economic Warfare

• Weisbrot, Mark, et al. Economic Sanctions as Collective Punishment. CEPR, 2019.
• Tricontinental Institute. Hyper-Imperialism: A Global Order in Crisis, 2023.
• Moyo, Dambisa. Dead Aid. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2009.
• Engler, Mark. How to Rule the World. Nation Books, 2008.

V. Digital Capitalism and the Platform Economy

• Srnicek, Nick. Platform Capitalism. Polity Press, 2017.
• Zuboff, Shoshana. The Age of Surveillance Capitalism. PublicAffairs, 2019.
• Pasquale, Frank. The Black Box Society. Harvard University Press, 2015.
• O’Neil, Cathy. Weapons of Math Destruction. Crown Publishing, 2016.
• Noble, Safiya Umoja. Algorithms of Oppression. NYU Press, 2018.

VI. Contemporary Struggle, Resistance, and Revolutionary Strategy

• Transnational Institute. Digital Colonialism. TNI, 2021.
• Prashad, Vijay. Washington Bullets. LeftWord Books, 2020.
• Ness, Immanuel. Southern Insurgency. Pluto Press, 2015.
• Towns, Armond R. On Black Media Philosophy. University of California Press, 2022.
• Haider, Asad. Mistaken Identity. Verso, 2018.
• Hansen, Bue Rübner et al. The Tragedy of the Worker. Verso, 2021.
• Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) Communiqués (1994–present).
• Palestine BDS National Committee. BDS Reports and Analysis.

VII. Weaponized Information Originals

• Globalization: Inequality in the Global Plantation. WI Editorial Board, 2023.
• Fall From Grace: The Euro-Amerikan Struggle to Make Amerika White Again. WI Editorial Board, 2023.
• Trilateral Imperialism. WI Editorial Board, 2023.
• The Dialectics of National Liberation. WI Editorial Board, 2024.
• Elon Musk and the Deep State. WI Editorial Board, 2025.
• The Silicon Matrix. Weaponized Information Research Collective, 2025.