The Nazi arsenal uncovered in Washington State isn’t an isolated anomaly—it’s the armed wing of a decaying settler-colonial regime preparing for internal counterrevolution.
By Prince Kapone | Weaponized Information | June 4, 2025
When the State “Finds” What It Feeds
This article, disseminated by the Associated Press and republished by NBC News, bears no individual byline—a fitting omission for a piece authored by the imperialist media apparatus itself. The Associated Press is not some neutral newswire; it’s a syndication engine for empire, laundering Pentagon press releases and FBI talking points into “objective” journalism. It functions as a centralized transmission belt for U.S. ideological warfare, ensuring even local events are framed through the lens of settler security and national stability. This piece reflects not critical inquiry but institutional obedience. Its anonymous prose carries the voice of a permanent bureaucracy—one that polices how the public interprets fascist violence not to stop it, but to contain its political meaning.
The actors named—Thurston County Sheriff Derek Sanders, the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Seattle, the FBI Seattle Field Office, and the Army Criminal Investigation Division—each operate as tactical arms of settler counterinsurgency. These are not protectors of the people. They are guardians of a decaying order.
The article’s central propaganda function is to transform a fascist arsenal—complete with Nazi flags, an MG42 machine gun, and grenade launchers—into a story of technical crime control. The ideological sleight of hand begins with the headline itself: “FBI discovers cache of guns, armor and Nazi paraphernalia.” Not “FBI uncovers armed fascist insurgency.” Not “White nationalist paramilitaries stockpile weapons of war.” No—just a “cache.” A thing. An object. Passive. Detached from ideology, divorced from history. The words “terrorism,” “insurgency,” or “paramilitary” are nowhere to be found, even though the facts all point there.
The narrative is structured to evacuate political meaning. Nazi flags become décor. Grenade launchers become curiosities. Machine guns become relics. The fascism is aestheticized, sterilized, and depoliticized—just some quirky criminal pathology. The FBI’s role is presented as professional, restrained, and apolitical—protecting society from chaos, not managing the contradictions of a state in crisis. And the suspects? We are told they were “involved in Nazi White Nationalist efforts,” with no effort to explain what that means or how deep their networks go. The article offers no investigation into links with military units, police departments, or other settler militias. It frames this as an isolated incident instead of what it is: a symptom of a settler regime arming itself for domestic war.
This is not journalism. It is crisis management for empire. A performance of institutional competence designed to shield the public from the terrifying reality: the fascists are not just back—they never left. And the state that claims to fight them still walks hand in hand with them, just with the cameras turned off.
The Settler State’s Strategic Reserve
The raw facts extracted from the AP wire are chilling in content but carefully stripped of context. Thirty-five firearms, including short-barrel rifles and a World War II–era MG42 machine gun. Grenade launchers, explosives, and body armor. Ballistic helmets, windows rigged as firing positions, and Nazi flags hung like sacred banners. Two suspects allegedly “actively involved in Nazi White Nationalist efforts.” And all of this uncovered in Lacey, Washington—just miles from a major U.S. military base. The FBI and Army Criminal Investigation Division executed the raid, supposedly in response to the theft of military-grade weapons. But in reality, what they stumbled upon wasn’t just a robbery site. It was a tactical staging ground for counterrevolution.
What the article refuses to confront—and what we must—is that this is not an aberration. It is a window into a growing reserve army of settler violence being built not in the shadows, but in plain sight. These weapons weren’t meant for personal defense. They were part of a strategic cache: an informal, ideologically driven infrastructure of repression. Historically, these formations trace their lineage to slave patrols, Indian-killers, whitecapping mobs, and the paramilitary lynch mobs of the Jim Crow South. Today, their descendants call themselves militias, oath keepers, boogaloo boys. But their function hasn’t changed: protect the settler regime from the colonized, from the organized poor, from the revolutionary.
The geographic setting matters. The Pacific Northwest has long been a stronghold of white nationalist organizing, with settler enclaves openly advocating for a “Northwest Territorial Imperative”—an all-white ethnostate carved from Indigenous land. The presence of military-grade weapons and stolen gear from Joint Base Lewis-McChord points not to random criminality, but to deep interconnections between fascist civilians and state institutions. The state did not “infiltrate” these groups. It cultivated them. And now, under the crisis conditions of late-stage imperial decline, they are being readied—consciously or unconsciously—as the settler regime’s fallback option.
In the era of technofascism, this is how counterinsurgency is built: not just through legislation or surveillance, but through the slow normalization of armed settler paramilitarism. These stockpiles are part of the domestic war chest, prepared for the inevitable revolt of the colonized, the organized, the unwanted. The fact that the FBI intervened only after a theft—not because of the ideology or the threat—exposes the real priorities of the regime. Fascist violence is tolerable. But threatening the military’s monopoly on weapons? That crosses the line.
The state’s role here is not to eliminate fascism. It is to regulate it. To prune its excesses, discipline its rogue wings, and ensure it remains functional to the broader settler-colonial order. These are not criminal stockpiles. These are counterinsurgency reserves. And every raid like this is not a sign of state opposition to fascism—it’s a sign that the state is managing its own unstable foot soldiers.
Militias, Management, and the Machinery of Technofascism
To understand the real meaning of this raid, we must reframe the facts from the standpoint of the colonized and the working class. These aren’t just two Nazis with too many guns. This is a settler-colonial society in crisis, manufacturing its own informal enforcers to crush the possibility of revolution. The far-right militias stockpiling these arsenals are not enemies of the state—they are auxiliaries of empire. They serve the same purpose the death squads served in U.S. client regimes from El Salvador to Indonesia: enforce order when the official forces can no longer maintain it alone. The contradictions are not erased by the raid—they are sharpened.
In Trump 2.0’s technofascist regime, the relationship between the state and fascist militias is not one of opposition, but of flexible management. These groups are tolerated, celebrated, or disciplined based on their strategic utility. If they threaten poor, Black, Indigenous, or migrant people—they are “patriots.” If they threaten elite property or federal command—they become “extremists.” The threshold isn’t ideology. It’s control. As long as these formations act in the interest of settler domination, they are an asset. If they act beyond command, they are a liability. That’s why the FBI raids one house while thousands of others remain untouched. That’s why swastikas are treated as props, not warning signs. It’s not incoherence—it’s doctrine.
Technofascism, as we define it, is not a return to historical fascism—it is its recalibration for the digital age. It merges the surveillance power of Big Tech with the armed wing of the settler masses. It integrates predictive policing with fascist mobilization. It no longer requires brownshirts in the streets—it has drones, data, and deputized militias wrapped in legal impunity. These aren’t fringe elements. They are the soil and sediment of settler colonialism, weaponized through algorithm and myth. The Nazi flag is not a relic. It is a signal. And the weapons staged at windows are not paranoid defenses. They are rehearsals.
This is the emerging face of counterinsurgency in the imperial core. A militarized settler society armed for domestic war. A state that only intervenes when its own monopoly is disrupted. A government that deputizes its most reactionary layers while criminalizing any movement for liberation. The only thing “shocking” about this raid is that it happened at all. And even then, it was done not to disarm fascism, but to rebalance it—folding the rogue cells back into the technofascist project.
Our task is to expose this realignment for what it is: not the containment of extremism, but the management of a fascist reserve force. These arsenals are not errors. They are preparations. And the real target of those rifles in the window was never the state. It was the people preparing to dismantle it.
Preparing for the Counterrevolutionary Phase
We cannot afford to read this incident through the lens of law enforcement success. We must view it through the lens of revolutionary clarity. What the state calls “extremism” is merely a fluctuation in its own ranks. The deeper function remains intact: the preparation of a settler reserve army to suppress rebellion, revolt, and revolutionary rupture. These stockpiles are counterinsurgency infrastructure, and the militia formations accumulating them are being groomed—by neglect, by media complicity, by legal tolerance—to act as the first wave of repression when crisis tips into open class conflict.
Trump 2.0 marks the consolidation of this technofascist order. These militias will not be dismantled—they will be integrated. They will patrol border zones, occupy migrant communities, monitor polling stations, and infiltrate school boards. Their “anti-government” rhetoric will be tolerated so long as their rifles stay aimed at the poor, the colonized, the left. The settler state has always used vigilantes to do what official forces could not. Under technofascism, this coordination becomes seamless—coded into policy, protected by law, and streamlined through digital infrastructure.
The function of this propaganda article is to obscure this reality. To soothe the reader with fantasies of institutional oversight and professional crisis response. But what we are witnessing is not a cleanup operation. It is a calibration. A fine-tuning of the settler regime’s internal counterinsurgency apparatus. When these militias step out of line, they are not dismantled—they are audited. Folded back into the system. The regime is not preparing to fight fascism. It is preparing to use it.
The real danger is not that these fascist cells exist. It is that their existence is tolerated. That they are not seen as enemies of the state, but as enforcers of its most fundamental order: the defense of stolen land, racialized wealth, and imperial authority. And as this empire continues to decay—economically, morally, geopolitically—it will turn more and more to these informal militias, these settler paramilitaries, to hold the line.
What we must understand—and what the state will never admit—is that this is not about gun control. This is about class control. This is about preparing for civil war—not between “left and right,” but between those who hoard the guns and those who make the food. Between those who cling to whiteness and those fighting for collective liberation. And if we fail to see that, we will walk into the next phase of repression unarmed—politically, ideologically, and materially.
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