A Line of Demarcation: Why The So-Called “Left” Is Right

There is a fundamental lie at the heart of American politics, and nowhere is this deception more insidious than in the so-called “left.” The term “left-wing” has been stripped of its historical meaning, transformed from a revolutionary banner into a marketing label for the liberal wing of empire. Weaponized Information, which is a working class multimedia platform, stands in direct opposition to this counterfeit left, not merely in rhetoric but in class base, political orientation, and ultimate objectives.

The Origins of the Left: A Class Struggle, Not a Branding Exercise

The term “left-wing” did not emerge from think tanks, NGOs, or media pundits—it was born in the struggle between oppressors and the oppressed. In the French Revolution, those who sat to the left of the king were the common people: workers, serfs, and the emerging bourgeoisie fighting against feudal privilege. Those on the right were the nobility, clergy, and landowners—the entrenched ruling class.

Applying this framework to the U.S. context, the authentic left is composed of the working class, the oppressed, and the colonized peoples—those who embody and epitomize the anti- colonial radical tradition of class struggle, and who stand in direct contradiction to the ruling class: the tech oligarchs, deep state operatives, Wall Street parasites, and corporate aristocrats who actually govern this empire. Yet today, the so-called “left” in the U.S. does not represent these forces at all. Instead, it has been carefully engineered to serve as a safety valve for the system, a way to absorb, redirect, and neutralize revolutionary energy.

The Actually Existing Left: The Grassroots Formations of a Defeated Revolution

The real left in the U.S. was not a collection of NGOs, media pundits, petty bourgeois academics or elites—it was composed of revolutionary formations deeply embedded in oppressed communities. The Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement (AIM), the Chicano liberation movement, the Young Lords, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, and radical formations within Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) were the left. These movements were not begging for reforms—they were arming their communities, organizing tenants and workers, and preparing for revolutionary change.

These formations still exist today in a fragmented form, operating in the shadows of their former strength, systematically attacked and ignored by the so-called “left.” They exist in political prisoners who have languished in U.S. dungeons for decades. They exist in grassroots community survival programs modeled after the Panthers. They exist in Indigenous land defense struggles against corporate extraction. They exist in Chicano barrio organizing against police terror. The actually existing left is still here, but it is outside the curated political sphere of the liberal imperial order.

Fred Hampton and the Mutinational Working Class Alliance

One of the most threatening developments to U.S. ruling class stability was the revolutionary coalition-building that Fred Hampton led in Chicago. The Rainbow Coalition was not the hollow, liberalized version later promoted by Jesse Jackson—it was a militant, class-conscious alliance that united the Black Panthers, the Young Lords (a Puerto Rican liberation movement), and, critically, the Young Patriots—a group of poor white proletarians, many from Appalachian backgrounds, who came to recognize, through intense ideological and political struggle, their shared enemy in the white ruling class.

This coalition was built on revolutionary praxis, not hollow slogans about “unity.” It was not a superficial alliance but a concrete political front against capitalism, internal colonialism, and the state. The lessons from this moment are instructive:

1. Real leftist movements are built on class struggle, not on liberal moralism or hollow identity-based alliances that uphold ruling class interests.

2. White proletarians, when properly educated, organized, and politicized under the leadership of the colonized working class, can be a revolutionary force—not an inherent enemy of the left. The state knows this, which is why it exterminated movements like the Young Patriots and replaced them with petty-bourgeois, identity-driven politics that erase class struggle.

The ruling class will use maximum force to prevent multi-national (or cross-“racial”) working-class alliances. Hampton was assassinated precisely because he was building a front that could threaten the capitalist order at its foundations.

Eradicating The Historical Left: Counterinsurgency And “Civil Society” Activism

The counterinsurgency of the 1960s and 70s was not just about repression—it was about replacement. The U.S. state did not just crush the real left; it manufactured a substitute.

Black Power was rebranded as Black Capitalism. Nixon embraced “Black Power” not as revolutionary self-determination but as entrepreneurship and economic integration into the capitalist system.

The rise of the nonprofit-industrial complex. As mass movements were crushed, funding flowed to NGOs, think tanks, and advocacy groups that operated within the system, carefully steering activism away from revolutionary politics.

The turn toward identity without class. The new “left” shifted from an anti-imperialist, class-based analysis to an academic and media-driven obsession with representation—focusing on diversity within the imperial ruling class rather than dismantling empire itself.

The absorption into the Democratic Party. Former radicals were brought into the system through electoral politics, turning revolutionaries into professional activists and lobbyists.

The American “Left” Today: Imperialism’s Loyal Opposition

The “left” that exists today in the U.S. is not a left at all—it is a managerial class movement, a political apparatus of the ruling elite that traffics in moral posturing while reinforcing imperial rule. This “left” claims to oppose capitalism but upholds its most essential mechanisms.

It condemns police brutality but demands more “diverse” cops and intelligence agencies.

It claims to oppose war but cheers for NATO’s expansion and denounces anti-imperialist states as “authoritarian.”

It decries censorship when it affects liberals but celebrates when Big Tech purges anti-imperialist and anti-establishment voices alike.

It waves the banner of “progress” while functioning as the ideological enforcers of monopoly capital.

This is not a left. It is an extension of imperial management.

Weaponized Information: Waging The Battle Of Ideas

Weaponized Information is not part of this American “left” because we do not serve the interests of the ruling class, nor do we seek validation from its institutions. Our base is the international working class. Our politics are rooted in class struggle, anti-imperialism, and the uncompromising rejection of capitalist rule.

We are not interested in debates about how to make the imperialist system more humane. We are interested in the revolutionary overturning of that system.

We uphold the legacy of the real radical left tradition—the Panthers, AIM, the Young Lords, the Young Patriots, the revolutionary elements of SDS, the anti-imperialist formations that the U.S. state crushed. We take lessons from Fred Hampton’s coalition, from the internationalist politics of Huey Newton, from the Chicano and Indigenous liberation movements that refused assimilation into empire.

The so-called left in the U.S. stands to the left of the Democratic Party but still within the ruling class framework. Weaponized Information stands on the left with the world’s oppressed and exploited working masses—a position that cannot coexist with loyalty to empire.

This is the line of demarcation.